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Population
growth is half the problem in sprawl

A major
controversy in the efforts to halt rural land loss is whether land-use
and consumption decisions are the primary engines of urban sprawl,
or whether it is the nation's continuing population boom providing
most of the power driving the expansion.
A careful
analysis of U.S. Census Bureau and U.S. Department of Agriculture
data found that the two sprawl factors share equally in the blame:
(1) Per Capita
Sprawl: About half the sprawl nationwide appears to be related
to the land-use and consumption choices that lead to an increase
in the average amount of urban land per resident.
(2) Population
Growth: The other half of sprawl is related to the increase
in the number of residents.
What is Sprawl?
Although
there are many definitions of sprawl, a central component of most
definitions and of most people's understanding of sprawl is this:
Sprawl
is the spreading out of a city and its suburbs over more and more
rural land at the periphery of an urban area. This involves the
conversion of open space (rural land) into built-up, developed land
over time.
From
the standpoint of urban planning institutions, the style
of that conversion can sometimes be more important than the amount
of the conversion. Organizations whose chief concerns involve urban
planning goals may tend to emphasize qualitative attributes
of sprawl -- such as attractiveness, pedestrian-friendliness and
compactness.
But
for those who are most concerned about the effect of sprawl on the
natural environment and agricultural resources, the more important
overall measure of sprawl is the actual amount of land that has
been urbanized. Knowing the actual square miles of urban expansion
(sprawl) provides a key indicator of the threat to the natural environment,
to the nation's agricultural productivity and to the quality of
life of people who live in cities and in the small towns and farms
that are near cities.
Both
the urban planning and environmentalist approaches to sprawl are
valid ones for achieving sometimes differing -- although not necessarily
competing -- goals.
NumbersUSA.com
adopts the environmentalist emphasis. It uses the term "sprawl" to refer to the reduction of rural land due to the increase of the
total size of the land area of a city and its suburbs over a particular
period of time.
That
definition of sprawl is certainly not the only one. But it is unequalled
as a standard quantitative measure of rural urbanization
in cities in all regions of the country. Sprawl City uses this definition
because it is based on the unrivaled measurements of Urbanized Areas
by the U.S. Bureau of Census. No other source so methodically and
with such standardization measures the loss of rural land to urbanization.
This
measurement by amount closely resembles the most common American
understanding of sprawl. For example, if an Urbanized Area covered
10 square miles in 1980 and covered 12 square miles in 1990, it
would be common to say that the city and its suburbs over that period
of time "sprawled 2 square miles."
If
25 square miles of open spaces around a city are urbanized, most
Americans would consider that to be 25 square miles of sprawl, regardless
of whether it was developed tastefully or not. They might be more
offended by the sprawl if it included ugly development than if it
was 25 square miles of well-planned sprawl, but the amount of sprawl
- and the number of rural acres lost - would be the same. Thus,
using this measure, it is possible to have well-planned sprawl or
chaotic sprawl, to have high-density or low-density sprawl, to have
auto-dependent or mass-transit-oriented sprawl. But regardless of
the quality of the sprawl, the amount of sprawl is measured by the
square miles of rural land eliminated by urban development.
None
of that is to say that the quality of sprawl doesn't affect the
amount of sprawl. Generally, well-planned sprawl will result in
fewer square miles of rural land being covered by urban development.
And environmentalists are interested in the urban planning aspects
of anti-sprawl work because they can reduce the amount of energy
used by and pollution produced by residents. And better planned
sprawl is likely to keep its residents happier and less likely to
decide later to move even farther beyond the urban center.
Clearly,
though, the amount of rural land lost to sprawl is the key
issue from an environmentalist and agricultural perspective. The
amount of rural land loss and urban expansion also is significant
to the quality of life of urban dwellers. The larger an urban area,
the more difficult it will be for the average resident to reach
the open spaces beyond the urban perimeter; the increase in urban
distances can also affect commuting time, mobility and a resident's
feeling of being "trapped."
Population growth without Sprawl apparently not practicable
The
virtual void of population-stabilization plans within the anti-sprawl
programs around the country is related to a belief that population
growth can be accommodated without causing sprawl.
Theoretically,
that is possible for awhile: All new residents would have
to move into the existing urban area, and none of the previous residents
could move to the edge of the city. Such an occurrence over any
period of time could happen only through the continual demolition
of existing housing to make room for higher-density cluster houses,
condominiums or apartment buildings; the demolition of apartment
buildings to build higher apartment buildings; higher occupancy
rates in existing structures, including some structures not intended
for residential use such as garages, and building on any remaining
vacant land.
Even
if Americans were to accept the escalating governmental regulations
that would be required to handle each year's population growth within
existing boundaries, such a success would not ease the massive "ecological
footprint" on the rural areas of the country.
It
is important to recognize that the per-capita-land-consumption figure
upon which nearly all conventional anti-sprawl efforts focus includes
only the land consumed by an average resident inside his/her own
Urbanized Area. It does not include all the rural land in other
parts of the country that is required to obtain the food, fiber,
minerals and energy for that resident, and to dispose of that resident's
wastes termed the ecological footprint of the Area.
A
study of sprawl nationwide released in March of 2001 failed
to find any American community that has shown an inclination to
adopt the regulations and make the personal behavior changes that
would counteract the effects of population growth for even a few
years, let alone in perpetuity which essentially is what
would be required if current national population policies stay in
place.
Los
Angeles is a prime example of the limits to how far Americans will
go in packing additional people into their neighborhoods. No city
in America may be a better model of the goal of attempting to restrain
sprawl by channeling population growth into ever-denser settlements,
both in the urban core and throughout the suburbs. Between 1970
and 1990, per capita land consumption fell until the L.A. Urbanized
Area was the most densely populated in the country. Many people
find this hard to believe because of Manhattan's skyline. But New
York's suburbs are only 60% as dense as those of Los Angeles. No
other Urbanized Area provided so little land per resident as Los
Angeles (0.11 acre). Most American communities have refused to come
anywhere near the L.A. densities.
Yet
despite accepting the densest living conditions in the country,
the Los Angeles Area sprawled across another 394 square miles of
orchards, farmland, natural habitat and other rural land. The reason?
The addition of another 3.1 million residents.
The necessity of addressing population growth
Addressing
national policies now destined according to the Census Bureau
to expand the current population of 292 million (up from
203 million in 1970) to more than a half billion (571 million) this
century is essential to stopping sprawl.
At
the same time, cities which value their surrounding rural land and
want to stop sprawl will need to address (a) local incentives that
entice more people to move into particular cities and (b) state
policies that attract residents from other states.
It
is difficult, however, to conceive of many cities in America being
able to stop their population growth for more than a short period
if current demographic trends are allowed to continue and add nearly
300 million people to the nation this century.
The
figure below shows how many square miles of the 100 largest Urbanized
Area's sprawl over a 20-year period was related to the population
growth of that time. Even if the cities had succeeded in eliminating
all the sprawl related to the land-use and consumption factors behind
per capita land growth, that still leaves 7,403 square miles of
sprawl that was explained by population growth.

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